Tuesday 30 May 2017

The Challenges Faced by the Abbasid Rule:


HISTORY  101 - The Challenges Faced by the Abbasid Rule:
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The Abbasid era which lasted for over 400 years, has been a field of interest for many scholars mainly through its emergence, the ideologies it represented, manner of evolution, and the challenges that it faced especially pertaining its legitimacy and expansion, connection to the Shi’te movement and the management of the different divisions within the ruling family. The paper at hand discusses the mentioned challenges in light of the articles provided by Elton Daniel, John Williams, and Hugh Kennedy.

In his article "The Abbasid Revolt", Daniel states that the Abbasid era began with the revolution against the Ummayad Caliphate in early 740 – 750 CE. The revolution was the fruit of more than 30 years of planning, da’wa and the recruiting of believers from various Arab reigned regions (Daniels, p.29). Subsequently he asserts that the revolution came with several challenges that the Abbasid had to overcome to ensure their success. He asserts that the movement was part ‘‘political and part religious” addressing the increasing dissatisfaction of the citizens of the Ummayad nation, which were a majority of minor sects of mainly non-Arab bloodline. He further elaborates by stating that the population of revolts constituted of ‘‘the bloc of middling class Arab colonists, their mawali, and the Iranian Dahaqin all of whom resented the domination of Khurasan by an ‘‘alien” Qaysite-Syrian military elite [….] the native Iranian peasantry and mostly assimilated lower class Arabs” (Daniels, p.26).

Scholars at an Abbasid library, from the Maqamat of al-Hariri by Yahya ibn Mahmud al-Wasiti, Baghdad, 1237 AD

The first challenge faced was to find a base on which the revolution would initiate. As such, the revolts utilized the minor Shi’ite sect to communicate what the revolution would stand for. Early on the revolution preached that the nation needed a ‘‘a legitimate imam chosen from the family of Muhammad, but subject to the approval and confirmation of the (Khurusani) partisans who would remain comfortably in distance tending to the religious welfare of the community while his political deputes dealt with secular affairs”.  In light of the above, since the Ummayads did not trace their lineage to Banu Hashim clan (the Prophet’s clan), they did not have legitimate right to establish Caliphate.
According to the author, ‘‘Abbasid had recognized the two strategies that would contribute most to their success: appeal to local interests in Khurasan, and exploit the nascent Shi’i tendencies of the population (Daniel p.32)”. He elaborates by stating that at that time, ‘‘Khurasan wasn’t tapped by any religious-political party” and that made it a good medium to cultivate the revolutionary seeds of what later on was knowns as the Abbasid revolution (Daniel, p.32). Thus, the missionaries and most importantly Abu Muslim began the da’wa within ‘‘the obscure Shi’i sect'' (Daniels, p.26). They articulated the fact that the ‘‘imamate rightly belong to the descendants of Ali, the Prophet’s son in law and nephew”. Hence, the not so prominent Shi’ite sect, mainly located in Khurasan, was used as base to propagate the message of the revolution, as ‘‘they were numerous and strong, free from extremist doctrines, eager to support a member of the family of the Prophet, and most important, not marred by the ‘‘Arabs’ ambition and love of tribal strife” (Daniel, p.30).
Daniel, in his article iterates that the second challenge faced by the revolution early on was to establish a mass of supporters that the Imam of the da’wa was able to align their interests in the direction that allows the revolution to overthrow the Ummayad ruling. As the seed of revolution that was being planted in Kufa showed little success, the ‘‘missionaries” moved to Khurasan to propagate the revolution’s ideologies within the masses. In the nation of ‘‘factional and sectarian rivalries”, the missionaries utilized the fact that Khurasan was the melting pot for various sects such as Mawali, slaves, repressed Iranians, and non-Arab majorities to their benefit. They also addressed Khurasani inhabitants’ lack of ‘‘tribal strife tendency” and their lack of extremist doctrines (Daniel, p.30) to propagate the message of bringing the Caliphate to its rightful successors. As they established their base in Khurasan and gained credibility, the missionaries expanded their territory by spreading their message to areas such as Jurjan, Merv among others. As such, ‘‘they were to befriend the tribes of Yaman, and Rabi’a, but to be aware of Mudar (Daniel, p.32).
One of the various strategies adopted by the Abbasids early on was to exploit the friction between the weakening Ummayad nation and other movements (Daniel, p.39). ‘‘As always the Abbasids capitalized on the strength of other movements by assimilating them with their own. Without ever making any real commitment to the Zaydi cause, they used the feelings Yahya had aroused for their own benefit” (Daniel, p.39). Similarly, the author recounts how Abu Muslim recruited dissatisfied slaves to his revolution. He ‘‘inquired only about whether the slave was a Muslim, and being answered affirmatively, took the new recruit to the camp where he informed the partisans that anyone, slave or free who joined the da’wa would be accepted” (Daniel, p. 53).
Furthermore, Daniel articulates that the Abbasid revolution ‘‘built a movement around political notions of Khurasan particularism, but they would have to govern an empire of which Khurasan was but one part” (Daniel, p.60). As such, after the success of the revolution, a third challenge emerges pertaining the governance of an empire so wide and diverse before and after and maintaining its supremacy over these lands. Daniel suggests that the Abbasid population was comprised of vagabonds, social outcasts, oppressed peasants, and the like, but which the Abbasids were fundamentally opposed to the radical violent goals of these groups (Daniel, p.60).
During the early stages of the revolution, an Imam whose name remained secret to the public led the movement. The chain of command was in the following manner: Twelve chiefs handled the revolution’s message propagation per the Imam’s guidance. In addition, twelve alternates (Nuqaba) were designated to fill in the role of the generals should any of them die. Under each alternate was 58 missionaries. In our opinion, the hierarchy was necessary to propagate the message to the biggest mass possible while retaining its original goals and form.
Subsequent to the success of the revolution, Kennedy in his article ‘‘When Baghdad Rules the Muslim World’‘ articulates some of the methods adopted by the Ruling Abbasid Caliph Mansur to manage the various aspects of his nation. For instance, as Mansur was a Caliph who rose to rule without a reputation to precede him, he had shown the tendency to kill those who did not support him. Kennedy recounts the murder incident of Abu Salma, the leader of the Kufa group who was late in swearing his allegiance to Mansur (Kennedy, p.11). Also, the article recounts the storage room in which the Caliph preserved the corpses of members of the family of Ali who he had executed as they posed threat to his throne. ‘‘In the ear of each corpses was a label, carefully inscribed with the name and genealogy of the victim” (Kennedy, p.26). In addition, the Abbasid operated politically to ascertain their reign over the nation. Kennedy recounts how Mansur for instance, ‘‘played enemies against each other” (Kennedy, p.13). He knew who could be bribed or  not and also when to use force or positive reinforcements to ascertain his rule ( Kennedy, P.13). It is noteworthy that not all the methods implemented by Mansur or the Abbasid in general were of excessive show of force and hostility. The author acknowledges that Mansur was a pious man who knew how to employ ‘‘both the carrot and the stick” (Kennedy, p.17). He worked hard to settle the government’s affairs, uphold religious duties, and listen to the nation’s needs.

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Throughout the ideas we have presented in this paper, we note that the Abbasid revolution was born as both a political and religious uprising against the Ummayad ruling. It took around thirty years to attain the revolt’s goals and a collaboration between different minorities within the Arab nation. Yet, there is no doubt that the diverse composition of the revolution at that time cast challenges for the Caliph to ascertain their rule and manage all the divisions within the people and the ruling family. Nonetheless, history shows that the Abbasids were able to create a long lasting era with various successes that are renowned up to date, such as the Abbasid Golden Age that extended from 775 to 861 and that this era remains a fertile field of study for people with different backgrounds.

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Monday 29 May 2017

Enron: The Debris of an Ethical and Moral Catastrophe


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Introduction                                                                                                                                              
1                    Company Profile
1.1              The Company

 2.                  The Legal Facts and Findings

                      2.1             United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey
2.1.1    Manipulating financial data & making false public representations
2.1.2    Use of inappropriate accounting principles and treatments

3.                  The Ethical Questions in the Enron Case  
           3.1              The Corporate Culture and the Lack of Corporate Governance
3.2       Abuse of Power
3.3              Fraudulent reporting and complex related party transactions
3.4              The Lack of Transparency and incomplete disclosure


4          The Failure of the Gatekeepers
4.1       The Failure of the gatekeepers in the Enron case
4.2       Shortcomings of the whistle-blowers at Enron

5          Practical Cases after Enron

Conclusion

Introduction:

In the "Anatomy of Greed: The Unshredded Truth from an Enron Insider", Brian Cruver, an Enron employee reflects on the fall of Enron through personal recounts and observations. Cruver quotes one Enron senior executive saying, "We’re the bad guys. We're the criminals. And don't think it's just this company. There's hundreds of Enrons out there, a thousand, cooking the books, inflating the earnings, hiding the debt, buying off the watchdogs" (Cruver, 2002). On the other hand, Enron's code of conduct states that "an employee shall not conduct himself or herself in a manner which directly or indirectly would be detrimental to the best interests of the Company or in a manner which would bring to the employee financial gain separately derived as direct consequence of his or her employment with the Company". In light of the above, the contradiction between the statements and in hindsight the ultimate bankruptcy of Enron in 2002 raises various red flags regarding the corporate governance at Enron (thereafter the Company), the ethics culture adopted by the Company and the reasons behind its ultimate bankruptcy.

This paper tackles the ethical problems and questions that were raised after the fall of "The Crooked E". It starts by providing a general background of the Company, its operations (Part One), the legal questions and facts that were raised by the legal bodies in light of the Enron collapse while using the indictment provided by the United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey (2004) and the Skilling vs. United states case as a reference (Part Two), the ethical questions and dilemmas raised in the Enron Case along the failure of the Company watchdogs (Part Three), and concludes by reiterating the importance of ethics in corporate governance, the role of gatekeepers or guardians (Part Four), and recent practical cases from our present (Part Five) that raise questions whether or not the Enron Case has set forth a precedent pertaining the existential nature of ethics in the modern corporate sector.

1          Company Profile: 

1.1              The Company:

Enron Corp. was an Oregon corporation with headquarters in Houston, Texas
(United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004). Founded as a small gas and energy company in 1985, Enron grew into the seventh highest-revenue generating firm (Skilling v. US, 2010). As such, it was publicly traded on the NYSE, where before its bankruptcy its stock traded at USD 90. Furthermore, as a listed entity and since its senior executives have undertaken fiduciary roles, Enron as well as its executives were subject to the SEC's requirements for transparency, maintaining a high credit rating, the creation of an ethical work environment, formulation and implementation of adequate internal controls that allow the firm to prepare financial statements that are free from material mistakes due to fraud or error, and the filing of quarterly audited financial statements. For instance, the indictment filed under "United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey" in 2004 states that "it was critical to Enron's on-going business operations that it maintain an investment grade rating for its debt, which was rated by national rating agencies. An investment grade rating was essential to Enron's ability to enter into trading contracts with its counterparties and to maintain sufficient lines of credit with major banks" (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004).

In August 2001, Enron's CEO Jeffrey Skilling resigned from his position due to personal reasons as stated in the indictment. Four months later the Company declared bankruptcy and its share prices plummeted to pennies which deemed them obsolete investments (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004). In February 2004, the Enron Task Force concluded that, Skilling (CEO), Causey (CAO), Lay (Chairman and former CEO) and other senior executives engaged in fraudulent schemes to "manipulate financial date, inflate earnings per share (EPS), engage in complex related party transactions where conflicts of interest prevailed, and employed variable and Special Purpose Entities (SPEs) with non-arm’s length transactions all for the benefit of the senior executives all while not confirming with General Accepted Accounting Principles aka GAAP (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004). The indictment also stated that the increase in EPS enriched the defendants through salaries, bonuses, stock options, etc. For instance, "between 1998 and2001, Skilling received approximately USD 200 million from the sale of Enron stock options and restricted stock, netting over USD 89 million in profit, and was paid more than USD14 million in salary and bonuses [….]. On November 8, 2001, Enron announced its intention to restate its financial statements for 1997 through 2000 and the first and second quarters of 2001 to reduce previously reported net income by an aggregate of USD 586 million" (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004).

2.                  The Legal Facts and Findings

For the purpose of investigating the ethical dilemma in the case of Enron, we will limit the facts and legal aspect to the indictment filed by the Enron Task Force in United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey on February 2004 as well as the Supreme Country of the United States ruling in "Skilling v. United States" which was decided in June 2010. In section 2.1 we will provide the reader with the major financial findings and continue to summarise the major legal facts in light of the said cases.

2.1              United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey Report

In light of the Enron debacle, the FBI created a multi-disciplinary task force to investigate the bankruptcy of the energy giant. Deemed the "the most complex white collar crime investigation in the history of the FBI, the Task Force included a blend of investigators and analysts from the "FBI, the Internal Revenue Service-Criminal Investigation Division, the Securities and Exchange Commission, and prosecutors from the Department of Justice"[1]. The sections below summarise the major findings per the report raised by the Enron task force on February 18, 2004.

As for a start, the indictment named Jeffrey Skilling the CEO and COO of Enron and Richard Causey the Chief Accounting Officer, and Ken Lay (previous CEO) to be the principal conspirators. The charges included but are not limited to the following items set below[2].

2.1.1      Manipulating financial data & making false public representations:

According to the reported indictment, the CEO and CAO at that time were charged of manipulating financial information through inappropriate accounting treatments, non-consolidating Special Purpose Entities (SPEs), and  complex related party transactions conducted at non-arm’s length, all that to present to the SEC, shareholders, and the public with fictitious and sound financial information. This was used to exceed investors' expectations, maintain the Company's credit rating, and manipulate the EPS ratio. "The scheme's objectives were, among other things, to report recurring earnings that falsely appeared to grow smoothly by approximately 15 to 20 per cent annually; [….] to increase artificially Enron's reported cash flow in order to mask a growing disparity between the Company's reported revenues and its actual earnings from operations; and to artificially inflate the share price of Enron's stock" (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004).

Furthermore, the Task Force uncovered dealings in which the conspirers manipulated targets, budgets, and presented the Company's performance as exceeding analysts' expected performance. The indictment states that the conspirers set quarterly budget targets for the Company, its units, and segments, and used deceptive accounting treatments to attain such targets. As such, earnings were accounting based and not operational. Furthermore, "when the budget targets were not met through actual results from business operations, the desired targets were achieved through the use of various earnings and cash flow "levers". […]These shortfalls were referred to within Enron variously as the “gap," "stretch" or "overview" […]. Often these transactions were completed in haste near, and at times after, the close of a financial reporting period (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004)".

2.2       Use of inappropriate accounting principles and treatments:

In his article "Enron and the Use and Abuse of Special Purpose Entities in Corporate Structures", Schwarcz (2002)  addresses the Company's misuse of SPEs, differentiates them from securitised transactions where the full risk is borne by a third party, and indicates Enron's adoption of faulty and vague accounting principles to "minimise financial statement losses and volatility, accelerate profits, and avoid adding debt to its balance sheet" (Schwarcz, 2002) through non-consolidating the SPEs into Enron's financial statements.
From an accounting perspective, a Special Purpose Entity (SPE) is an entity that conducts its activities to meet the Company's i.e. Enron's specific needs. In essence, the Company has decision making powers, control, and is exposed to the SPE's risks even if the prior holds a non-controlling interest in the SPE. As such SIC -12 addresses when a special purpose entity should be consolidated by a reporting enterprise under the consolidation principles in IAS 27[3]. Schwarcz addresses the complexity of the transactions with Enron's SPEs, and states that Enron would "transfer its own stock to an SPE in exchange for a note or cash, and also directly or indirectly guarantee the SPE's value. The SPE, in turn, would hedge the value of a particular investment on Enron's balance sheet, using the transferred Enron stock as the principal source of payment" (Schwarcz, 2002). As Enron is exposed to the risk of the SPE, i.e. if the value of Enron's investment falls, the SPE would "lack sufficient funds to perform its hedge and ultimately cause the SPE to breach the requirements for non-consolidation (3% independent equity)"; the Company's statements should have consolidated the SPEs' results. Also, since Enron is exposed to the risk of the SPE, and most SPEs were created by one of Enron's senior executives (mainly Andrew Fastow), by non-consolidating the SPE into the Company's financial statements, the Company was able to write-off material liabilities off its balance sheet through transferring them to the non-consolidated SPEs (Schwarcz, 2002).

Another aspect which the indictment points out is the improper use of the valuation of several assets on the Company's balance sheet. For instance, the report states that Enron held a portfolio of asset investments known as "Merchant Asset Portfolio" which included interest in various privately held energy businesses. Since the latter are not publicly traded, Enron valued the book value of its investments based on skewed internal valuation models to reflect earnings due to the appreciation of its investments' value. Schwarcz (2002) states that "for example, in the fourth quarter of 2000, under the direction of Causey and others, Enron personnel fraudulently increased the value of one of the largest of Enron's Merchant assets, Mariner Energy, by $100million in order to help close a budget shortfall" (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004).

As such, we have discussed in general the findings of the United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey as per its indictment issued by the Enron Task Force on February 18, 2004. During the debacle, Lay and Skilling went to trial with a count of 53 charges and a 65 page indictment. In the section below, we will discuss the ethical questions raised in reference to the Enron scandal perspective from United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey and Skilling v. United States.

3.                  The Ethical Questions in the Enron Case:

The fall of the energy giant Enron, later dubbed as the "Crooked E" raised several questions pertaining the ethical judgment in the company, the lack of proper corporate governance, the prevailing culture, and the missing system of checks and balances. In addition, one of the most prominent questions raised tackled the failure of the Corporate Guard Dogs, such as the independent auditor, the board of directors, and the internal audit and risk management committees. In the sections below, we address a sample of the ethical dilemmas and analyse the corporate conditions that gave rise to such issues.

3.1              The Corporate Culture and the Lack of Corporate Governance:

In his article "At Enron, The Environment was Ripe for Abuse", John Byrne suggests that the corporate culture, the lack of monitoring, and the image portrayed by those in fiduciary roles allowed the creation of an unethical work environment (2002). For instance, Skilling is often quoted describing the culture at Enron as "loose and tight"; loose in the sense that it allowed innovation, recruited young MBA holders, and listened to ideas pitched by said members in reference to new ventures and investments. Yet, a former energy service unit manager contests by stating that “the environment was ripe for abuse, nobody at corporate level was asking the right questions. It was completely hands off management. A situation like that required tight controls. Instead, it was a runaway train". This is supported by the presence of an internal risk management group of 180 staff employees who were responsible of screening proposals, investments, and the review of deals (Byrne, 2002). In reality, deals were struck and finalised without the proper assessment of the internal risk management department, SPEs were created by key executive personnel, and the Risk Assessment and Control Group lacked independence from Management as it answered to the latter rather than the board of directors. In light of the abusive corporate culture and the ineffective system of checks and balances, Steward (2001) recounts Ken Lay's fondness of telling the story of how Enron employees in the London branch started their own trading business without having the approval of the headquarters in Houston. In hindsight, the trading platform carried around 25% of the world's energy trading. But what key authorities in management and leadership peg as a defective corporate and environment, key executive officers in Enron viewed as a sense of flourishing entrepreneurship and flexibility.

A survey conducted in 2000 by the Ethics Resource Centre found that 43% of the respondents believed their supervisors do not set good examples of integrity. The same percentage felt pressured to compromise their organisation's ethics on the job (Wee, 2002). As such, Enron's employees were pressured to perform by their supervisors; hence many scholars have dubbed the corporate culture as one of arrogance and overconcentration of power in the hands of limited senior executives which facilitated the unethical and fraudulent behaviour that was widespread throughout senior management. For instance, Byrne (2002) describes the culture at Enron as a “Yes – Culture". In addition, Schwarcz (2002) states that Fastow and other key executives in Enron either "overruled or intimated employees under them who felt transactions (referring to the SPEs) were detrimental to Enron". As such, Enron's executives adopted a "rank and yank" policy in evaluating its employees where the least performing 15% of the employees were laid off on a semi-annual basis (Johnson, 2003).  As such, Enron's internal culture is often describes as "Make the numbers, make the numbers, make the numbers – If you steal, if you cheat, just don't get caught. If you do, beg for a second change, and you'll get one".

3.2       Abuse of Power:

Furthermore, Johnson (2003) in his article "Enron's Ethical Collapse: Lessons for Leadership Educator" states that Enron's executives ruled ruthlessly and abused the power granted to them by their fiduciary roles. For instance, "the position of vice-chair was knows as the "ejector seat" because so many occupants were removed from the position when they took issue with Lay or appeared to be a threat to his power. Skilling for his part eliminated corporate rivals and intimidated subordinates." In addition, senior executives were granted excessive privileges that were unethical and not permitted from an accounting point of view. The aforementioned article states that Lay and his wife Linda borrowed from the firm USD 75 million that they repaid in stock (Johnson, 2002). Furthermore, Lay was a major contributor to the Bush campaign and in return the company was able to nominate candidates to the SEC and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC). All in all, these instances of power abuse helped Enron land several projects with foreign governments, de-regularise portions of the energy market, and in return earn millions of in the form of salaries, stock options, bonuses, and accommodations.

3.3              Fraudulent reporting and complex related party transactions:

Auditing standard AU – Section 316 states that "Management, along with those charged with governance, should set the proper tone; create and maintain a culture of honesty and high ethical standards; and establish appropriate controls to prevent, deter, and detect fraud. When management and those charged with governance fulfil those responsibilities, the opportunities to commit fraud can be reduced significantly[4]". Contrary to the guidance set by the above governing body, Enron's executives engaged in transactions that are not at arm's length with related parties a matter which is not compliant with the accounting and reporting framework. These ambiguous accounting treatments were used to report inflated profits, growth, as well as remove Company related liabilities through utilising SPEs that were purposefully not consolidated into the Company's audited financial statements. The indictment in United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey stated that the Company engaged 4 SPEs (Raptors) in a series of complex hedging transactions. The SPEs were used to hedge the devaluation of the Merchant Asset Investments of the Company and were purposefully excluded from consolidation. For instance, "the defendant Richard Causey, Fastow, Glisan, and others manufactured a transaction between Enron and Talon (related party) that generated a USD 41 million payment to LJM (related party) but had no legitimate business purpose for Enron" (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004). Furthermore, Wee  recounts that the Company's code of "ethics has been suspended twice in 1999 to allow two outside partnerships to be led by a top Enron executive who stood to gain financially from them, according to the report Houston law Firm Vinson & Elkins prepared for Enron" (Wee, 2002). Such non-arm's length transactions highlight the unethical mind-set adopted by Enron executives on the expense of the shareholders, investors, and extended stakeholders.

3.4              The Lack of Transparency and incomplete disclosure:

Another key ethical issue that was raised by scholars states that although more than a decade has passed since the collapse of "The Crooked E" Management transparency and complete or sufficient disclosures by both Management and the company's external and internal auditors remains an imperative ethical requisite. In his Article "Understanding Enron: It's about the Gatekeepers, Stupid", John Coffee Jr. states that several years after the Enron collapse, investors, stakeholders, and the general public's demands for full disclosure and transparency have become a key requirement for financial reporting as the prior have no longer confidence in the representations provided by the corporate guardians. In light of the indictment referenced, we note that " Enron’s publicly reported financial results and filings and its public descriptions of itself, including in public statements made by or with the knowledge of Skilling and Causey, did not truthfully present the financial position, results from operations, and cash flow of the company and omitted to disclose facts necessary to make the disclosures and statements that were made truthful and not misleading. As a consequence, the financial appearance of Enron that SKILLING, CAUSEY and their conspirators presented to the investing public concealed the real Enron" (United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004).

4          The Failure of the Gatekeepers:

A professional gatekeeper or watchdog is an independent body external or internal to the firm that is capable of providing a thorough system of checks and balances. Prominent examples of such bodies include internal and external auditors, financial analysts, and risk management committees. The gatekeepers' roles include providing assurance regarding the appropriateness and accuracy of the financial, operational, and organisational information provided by Management to investors, stakeholders and the public in general. In light of the Enron case, several scholars including John Coffee Jr. (2002) state the failure of Enron can be partially attributed to the failure of the gatekeepers in keeping management in check. In the section below, we discuss the failure of Enron's Watchdogs or gatekeepers in challenging management and amending the ethical inconsistencies within the firm as well as the role of the whistle-blowers such as Sherron Watkins and their shortcomings in bringing the ethical and financial dilemmas at Enron to public scrutiny.

  
4.1       The Failure of the gatekeepers in the Enron case:

Auditing Standard (AS-1001: Responsibilities and Functions of the Independent Auditor) the role of the independent auditor "is the expression of an opinion on the fairness (of the financial information) with which they present, in all material respects, financial position, results of operations, and its cash flows in conformity with generally accepted accounting principles"[5]. Furthermore, (AS-1005 – Independence) states that "it is of utmost importance to the profession that the general public maintain confidence in the independence of independent auditors. [….] To be independent, the auditor must be intellectually honest; to be recognized as independent, he must be free from any obligation to or interest in the client, its management, or its owners[6]. Coffee (2002) states that "Arthur Andersen", the auditors, failed at maintaining their independence from their audit and consulting client "Enron". After all, several academic journals state that the audit partner on the Enron job was the best friend of Enron's Chief Accounting Officer, Causey, who himself was an ex-Arthur Andersen auditor. On the other hand, the auditing firm provided both internal and external audit services as well as consulting services with total annual fees amounting to USD 100 million (Coffee, 2002). This clearly represents a state of conflict of interest and without placing controls to address these conflicts of interest, Arthur Anderson auditors were bound to cross the ethical line. Furthermore, the fact that Andersen employees shared offices with Enron employees and right before the Enron scandal shredded around one tonne of papers relating to the audit and consulting services provided to the collapsing company indicated the impaired auditors' independence and failure to act as a guardian of public interests[7].

The gatekeepers' shortcomings are not restricted to the auditing firm Arthur Andersen. Craig Johnson in "Enron's Ethical Collapse: Lessons for Leadership Educators" states that the board of directors failed at exercising checks and balances by challenging Management, contesting to their plans, operations, and engaging Management in the decision making process (Johnson, 2003). In addition, the United States Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations stated that "Enron’s board of directors failed to monitor, ensure or halt abuse. Sometimes the Board "chose to ignore" problems, other times it "knowingly allowed" Enron to engage in high risk practices. In so doing, the Board breached its duties to safeguard Enron shareholders" (Rosen, 2003). As such, the board of directors to properly serve as a gatekeeper, must set the direction of the company, engage Management and challenge their decisions, financial results and undertakings while ensuring the latter's alignment with the overall Company’s objective.

  
4.2       Shortcomings of the whistle-blowers at Enron:

Johnson (2002) states that although there were some whistle-blowers within Enron, the act to bring the Company's transgressions to public came in late and barely spared the various shareholders from economic and financial losses. Johnson recounts that Clifford Baxter (former Company treasurer) complained about Fastow's financial wrong doings but did not go to public with them. Similarly, Sherron Watkins (vice president of corporate development) raised her concerns to Lay in a letter that was released to the public only after 5 months from the Enron bankruptcy. "While these are commendable acts, in her letter she recommended quiet clean-up of the problems rather than public disclosure (Johnson, 2002). It is thus those gatekeepers who are expected to guard the shareholder and stakeholders' interest who participated in the unethical environment within Enron.

5          Practical Cases after Enron

Fourteen years later, Enron stands as a long living case of moral failure. The unethical approach adopted by its senior executives carried repercussions through the employees and what was deemed as unethical abuse of power by senior executives was translated into an unethical culture that focused on earnings, putting personal gains before those of the stakeholders as well as rigging the books. Fourteen years later, one might believe that the fall of the seventh largest revenue generating company would drive management, board members, gatekeepers, and whistle-blowers to conduct themselves based on ethical and legal manners. But the present outstanding cases beg to differ.

The manipulation of LIBOR (London Interbank offering Rate), the bankruptcy of the Lehman brothers, Deutsche bank's scandal of making more than USD 10 billion dollars of liabilities and risky financial instruments disappear from its books, GlaxoSmithKline bribery case in China, Olympus Corporation's fraud scandal and the LUX – Leaks Scandal set up by PricewaterhouseCoopers to help some of its clients benefit from advance tax rulings and avoid tax payment and others contest otherwise. It might be an exaggeration to state that "there's hundreds of Enrons out there, a thousand, cooking the books, inflating the earnings, hiding the debt, buying off the watchdogs" (Cruver, 2002).





Conclusion:

Thorough the sections above, we discussed the major legal and ethical aspects of the collapse of "the crooked E". In addition, we have inspected that even 14 years after the downfall of the energy giant, Enron will remain a long lasting evidence of corporate and moral failure. Furthermore, through our inspections, we noted the failure of the system of checks and balances through the compromise of the gatekeepers who are responsible of monitoring and challenging management's operations and decisions .This was a major factor in ensuring that Management had the leeway to rig the books. Finally, we concluded by stating that based on present empirical data, ethical and financial continue to flood the public and shake the financial markets and the only victims are the stakeholders.

In light of all that was presented, one cannot help but wonder about the secondary role that ethics has undertaken in the modern corporates, what can educators do to re-instil or redirect the younger generation's moral compasses and whether or not the current legal system is capable of attending to the rapidly changing contemporary needs of businesses and international economies.







Resources:

Byrne, J. et al. (2002). At Enron, "The Environment Was Ripe for Abuse". Retrieved from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2002-02-24/at-enron-the-environment-was-ripe-for-abuse

Coffee, John C., "Understanding Enron: It's About the Gatekeepers, Stupid" (July 30, 2002). Columbia Law & Economics Working Paper No. 207. http://ssrn.com/abstract=325240

Coffee, John C., What Caused Enron?: A Capsule Social and Economic History of the 1990's. Columbia Law and Economics Working Paper No. 214. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=373581 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.373581

Lagace, M. (2004). Enron's Lessons for Managers, Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from http://hbswk.hbs.edu/item/enrons-lessons-for-managers

Palepu, K.and Healy, P., The Fall of Enron (2003). Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 17, No. 2, Spring 2003. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=417840 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.417840

Rosen, R., Risk Management and Corporate Governance: The Case of Enron. Connecticut Law Review, Vol. 35, No. 1157, 2003. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=468168

Schwarcz, S. (2002) Enron and the Use and Abuse of Special Purpose Entities in Corporate Structures, 70 University of Cincinnati Law Review 1309-1318 Retrieved from http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/faculty_scholarship/1607/

United States of America v. Jeffrey K. Skilling and Richard A. Causey, 2004

Wee, H. (2002). Corporate Ethics: Right Makes Might. Retrieved from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2002-04-10/corporate-ethics-right-makes-might